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We're Still Fighting the Civil War, Boringly.
Lisa Lisa
11.04.2011 - 09:21
11.04.2011 - 09:21
rob me of my sovereignty. And count me as one person who is bored
with the whole Civil War business and Lost Causes. It's lost and
should stay lost! Time to get on with life!
4 ways we're still fighting the Civil War By John Blake, CNN
April 10, 2011 8:30 p.m. EDT
STORY HIGHLIGHTS
The United States marks the 150th anniversary of the Civil War
Americans still argue over many issues that led to war, scholars say
Scholar: "There are all of these weird parallels"
Southern historian: Confederate leaders are American heroes
CNN -- He stood 5-foot-8 and weighed 145 pounds. His face was gaunt
and sunburned. Ticks, fleas and lice covered his body.
Before battle, his lips would quiver and his body went numb. When the
shooting started, some of his comrades burst into maniacal laughter.
Others bit the throat and ears of their enemy. And some were shattered
by shells so powerful that tufts of their hair stuck to rocks and
trees.
Take a tour of a Civil War battlefield today, and it's difficult to
connect the terrifying experience of an average Civil War soldier --
described above from various historical accounts --
historic sites where we now snap pictures today.
But you don't have to tour a battlefield to understand the Civil War.
Look at today's headlines. As the nation commemorates the 150th
anniversary of its deadliest war this week, some historians say we're
still fighting over some of the same issues that fueled the Civil War.
"There are all of these weird parallels," says Stephanie McCurry,
author of "Confederate Reckoning," a new book that examines why
Southerners seceded and its effect on Southern women and slaves.
"When you hear charges today that the federal government is
overreaching, and the idea that the Constitution recognized us as a
league of sovereign states -- these were all part of the secessionist
charges in 1860," she says.
"Living history" on Civil War battlefields
These "weird parallels" go beyond the familiar debates over what
caused the war, slavery or states' rights. They extend to issues that
seem to have nothing to do with the Civil War.
The shutdown of the federal government, war in Libya, the furor over
the new health care law and Guantanamo Bay -- all have tentacles that
reach back to the Civil War, historians say.
They point to four parallels:
The disappearance of the political center
If you think the culture wars are heated now, check out mid-19th
century America. The Civil War took place during a period of pervasive
piety when both North and South demonized one another with self-
righteous, biblical language, one historian says.
One of the biggest debates during the Civil War was how far should
governments go in dictating our lives. We still debate those politics.
--William Blair, Civil War historian
The war erupted not long after the "Second Great Awakening" sparked a
national religious revival. Reform movements spread across the
country. Thousands of Americans repented of their sins at frontier
campfire meetings and readied themselves for the Second Coming.
They got war instead. Their moral certitude helped make it happen,
says David Goldfield, author of "America Aflame," a new book that
examines evangelical Christianity's impact on the war.
Goldfield says evangelical Christianity "poisoned the political
process" because the American system of government depends on
compromise and moderation, and evangelical religion abhors both
because "how do you compromise with sin."
"By transforming political issues into moral causes, you raise the
stakes of the conflict and you tend to demonize your opponents,"
Goldfield says.
Contemporary political rhetoric is filled with similar rhetoric.
Opponents aren't just wrong -- they're sinners, Goldfield says.
"The erosion of the center in contemporary American politics is the
most striking parallel between today and the time just before the
Civil War," Goldfield says.
In the lead-up to the war, political campaigns were filled with
religious fervor. Political parties paraded their piety and labeled
opponents infidels.
"Today's government gridlock results, in part, from this religious
mind set that many issues can be divided into good and evil and sin
and salvation," he says.
A Union artillery crew poses before battle. Each side underestimated
the opposing army, historians say.How much power should the federal
government have?
Nullification, state's rights and secession. Those terms might sound
like they're lifted from a Civil War history book, but they're
actually making a comeback on the national stage today.
Since the rise of the Tea Party and debate over the new health care
law, more Republican lawmakers have brandished those terms. Republican
lawmakers in at least 11 states invoked nullification to thwart the
new health care law, according to a recent USA Today article.
It was the kind of talk that led to the Civil War, historians say.
"One of the biggest debates during the Civil War was how far should
governments go in dictating our lives. We still debate those
politics," says William Blair, director of the George and Ann Richards
Civil War Era Center at Pennsylvania State University.
The Southern answer to that question ignited the war. When they
seceded, their leaders said that they were protecting the inherent
rights of sovereign states. They invoked the 13 Colonies' fight for
independence.
We wanted to be left alone. What actually caused the war was Lincoln's
insistence that, no, we can't let these people go.
--H.W. Crocker III, Southern historian
RELATED TOPICS
American Civil War
Abraham Lincoln
H.W. Crocker III, author of "The Politically Incorrect Guide to the
Civil War," says Southern secessionists were patriots reaffirming the
Founding Father's belief that the Colonies were free and independent
states.
"If the Southern states pulled out of the union today after, say, the
election of Barack Obama, or some other big political issue like
abortion, how many of us would think the appropriate reaction from the
federal government would be to blockade Southern ports and send armies
into Virginia?" Crocker asks.
He says men such as Jefferson Davis, the leader of the Confederacy,
are American heroes.
"Jefferson Davis was not trying to force anything on the people in the
North," he says. "We wanted to be left alone. What actually caused the
war is Lincoln's insistence that no, we can't let these people go."
Slavery caused the war, says McCurry, author of "Confederate
Reckoning," and most historians.
Southern slaveholders invoked the Revolution while trying to build an
antidemocratic slave state "dedicated to the proposition that all men
are not created equal," McCurry says.
They also didn't want to lose the tremendous wealth generated by slave
labor, she says.
"They felt confident because they were the biggest producers of cotton
in the Western world at the height of the Industrial Revolution."
Unleashing the dogs of war
During the run-up to the Iraq War, former Vice President Dick Cheney
famously declared that American troops would be welcomed as
"liberators" in Iraq.
Cheney made the mistake that political leaders have been making for
ages -- he didn't know the enemy, says Emory Thomas, author of "The
Dogs of War," which examines how ignorance on both sides led to the
Civil War.
"Cheney thought it was going to be France in 1944, but it ended up
Georgia in 1864," Thomas says.
Civil War leaders made the same mistake, Thomas says. Northern leaders
like Lincoln didn't really think ordinary Southerners who had no
slaves would fight in defense of slavery. Southerners didn't think
Northerners were willing to go to war to preserve the Union, he says.
And few on both sides expected the war to be so bloody and long.
"America in 1861 didn't realize what the hell they were doing," he
says. "They just weren't willing to think of unpleasant
possibilities."
We risk the same mistakes when we commit to "limited" military
campaigns in places such as Iraq and, most recently, Libya, Thomas
says.
When President Obama announced a limited air bombing campaign in
Libya, Thomas thought about the political leaders before the Civil
War.
Each incrementally committed to various military provocations,
thinking events wouldn't spiral out of control. They were wrong.
"Once you commit to war, you don't have any control over how it ends,"
Thomas says. "It's amazing how that sounds like Libya now. We may
blunder into success, but we don't know who these guys (Libyan rebels)
are."
The battlefields are quiet and even tranquil today, but the average
Civil War soldier faced horror and exhaustion.The president as
dictator
Barack Obama isn't the first black president, according to some
Southern secessionists. That would be Abraham Lincoln. He was called a
"black Republican" and the "Great Dictator."
There a reason a large number of Americans despised Lincoln during the
war. Think of the nation's recent "War on Terror." Some Americans
thought Lincoln used the war to ignore the Constitution and expand the
powers of the presidency.
Lincoln suspended habeas corpus (it gives a person who is jailed the
right to challenge their detention in court) during the war and used
military courts to arrests thousands of civilians.
Those legal decisions loom over post-9/11 America, historians say.
How do we treat American citizens caught attempting to bomb U.S.
cities? How do we clamp down on American citizens who preach
overthrowing the government? What rights do Guantanamo Bay prisoners
possess?
"It's not just what does a president do against an enemy," says Blair,
the Civil War historian. "It's what do you do against your own
citizens to determine loyalty. That's a big debate today."
Lincoln skillfully addressed that debate, says Brian McGinty, author
of "Lincoln & the Court."
He says Lincoln confronted unprecedented problems: The South was in
rebellion, the nation's capital was in real danger from rebels in
Virginia and their sympathizers in Maryland.
At one point, a mob blocked passage of Northern troops through
Maryland to defend Washington.
"His oath of office required him to 'preserve, protect and defend the
Constitution' and he believed that the best way to do that was to
preserve the Union," McGinty says. "What good would the Constitution
be if the country itself was lost?"
McGinty doesn't think Lincoln became a dictator. He says he allowed
the presidential election to take place in 1864. He worked with
Congress. He asked military officers to arrest disloyal persons
sparingly, and he never tolerated abuse of prisoners.
Lincoln said his actions would ultimately be subject to the review of
the American people, not the courts, McGinty says.
"He called the people 'The Great Tribunal' and said that they would
have the final word on constitutional issues. In the end, The Great
Tribunal approved of what he had done. So, for the most part, has
history."
The Great Tribunal, however, has yet to render a unanimous verdict on
the Civil War.
A century-and-a-half after the war ended, people still clash over the
causes and meaning.
Blair says they still clash because the war doesn't fit many
Americans' image of themselves or their past.
"The American story of our past has been a hopeful, helpful
narrative," he says. "But it's hard for us to understand that there
was a time in this country when the Constitution protected slavery,
and it was actually legal.
"How do you insert the story of slavery into that?"
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Lisa Lisa
11.04.2011 - 09:46
11.04.2011 - 09:46